Differences among the Traditions
Mosuo chieftains had strong ties with the Buddhist monastic structure as, according to Shih, “the Lamaist theory of the unity of divinity and personality provided the Moso chief with another possible ground to claim perpetual legitimacy of reign.”[1] These chiefs associated primarily with Zhameige and the Gelugpas. They were installed, or at least condoned, by Chinese regional bureaucrats. While the chiefs were men, daily social, and cultural activities were governed by women. Politically, Buddhism was a key structural thread for the elite, yet in every other way the Goddess Gemu and Daba traditions held sway in the people’s minds and hearts.
Some of the differences between Daba and Buddhist ideas and practices include:
– Dabas believe in the immortality of the soul; Buddhists do not.
– Dabas use meat as sacrificial offerings in their ceremonies, which is anathema to Buddhists.
– Dabas lack any hierarchical or structural institution, but rather function similarly to shamans; Buddhists have highly structured monastic institutional traditions.
– Dabas rely on experiential training; Buddhists rely on both textual and experiential training.
– Dabas do not use written story-based sacred texts; Buddhists do.
– Daba traditions and rituals are passed on through oral transmission, Buddhist through both oral and written transmissions.
– Dabas look to nature and the invisible world to balance the spirits; Buddhists seek to overcome the senses through meditation.
They have almost diametrically opposed views of the world.
Prior to the Social/Democratic Reform there were three levels of dabas: 1) the now non-existent haba, who utilized Tibetan sacred books, were psychopomps and had powerful magic; 2) the paddaba, the diviner who could see malevolent spirits; and 3) the pvdabba, the incantatory who knew how to chant the rituals to exorcise malevolent ghosts.[2]
In addition to dabas, and lamas, which is the local term for any Buddhist monk, in Yongning, there is a long-standing tradition of shamans and diviners, called soma and zheda. Soma are vegetarian and deal exclusively with gods. They often perform in company with lamas who chant sutras to guide their journeys. The zheda cannot fly like the soma can, and they only deal with ghosts they can see, but with whom they cannot directly communicate. They also cannot communicate directly with humans, but need a translator to interpret their messages during their trance.[3] The soma and zheda can be either men or women and were invested by the Living Buddha. Today, without the Living Buddha, this tradition is in limbo. The dabas were practically wiped out during the Cultural Revolution. Their ritual implements were destroyed and no one was allowed to train the next generation. Lamu Gatusa, a Mosuo scholar, tried to reverse this trend in the 1990s when he organized twenty young men to train with two respected dabas. He also collected and recorded all known daba ceremonies and translated them into Mandarin.[4]
For the people, the differences among the levels of daba, the lamas, the soma and zheda were not problematic. Dabas performed certain ceremonies, shamans and lamas others, and often the same event would have both dabas and lamas performing their ceremonies, e.g., funerary rites, to ensure that all the spirits were appeased.[5] The differing systems influenced each other over time. According to Mathieu, by the mid-20th century the dabas disassociated themselves from blood sacrifice and left that to their assistants. She also states, “In the Buddhist regions of Yongning, ordinary men and women likewise repent of their meat eating habits through daily penitence, by praying and circumambulating the village soto, stone burners in which the Moso light ritual fires.[6]
(To be continued)
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[1] Ibid., 244.
[2] Christine Mathieu, “The Moso Ddaba Religious Specialists,” Naxi and Moso Ethnography: Kin, Rites, Pictographs, eds. Michael Oppitz and Elizabeth Hsu (Zürich: Völkerkundemuseum, 1998), 213.
[3] Ibid., 211.
[4] Ibid., 210.
[5] Shih, “Mortuary Rituals and Symbols among the Moso,” 105-107.
[6] Mathieu, “The Moso Ddaba Religious Specialists,” 211.