[Editor’s Note: This series is included as a chapter in Goddesses in Culture, History and Myth (Mago Books, 2018), a textbook on Goddess Studies related courses at the university level.]
In a small formerly isolated region in SW China lies one of the most interesting still functional matriarchal societies, the Mosuo. There are about 8,000 Mosuo living in the Lugu Lake region. The Mosuo have survived various invasions into their lands, including the great Mongol chieftains and a few foreign powers whose representatives stayed to integrate their traditions with those of the indigenous people. Among the foreigners were Black Hat Böns, along with Yellow and Red Hat Buddhists, from the neighboring Tibetan Plateau. These distinct forms of Tibetan sacred traditions merged with indigenous worship to form a sacred tradition based on the Goddess Gemu that is unique to the Mosuo of Lugu Lake, which straddles the border of Yunnan and Sichuan provinces. While there remain clear differences among the Buddhist and Bön monasteries, the Goddess Gemu is infused in all of them. Currently, this very beautiful area is undergoing yet another transformation, a more commercial one, as it has become a major domestic tourist destination for Han Chinese. The influx of tourists has brought needed income to the villages, their monasteries, and sacred sites, but it has also led to popularizing and secularizing the region’s peoples’ sacred legacy.
This chapter unravels some of the various historical and religious strains within this region in order to demonstrate how what appears at first blush to be the binary opposites of patriarchal Tibetan ideologies and an indigenous matriarchal goddess worshipping community can merge into a rich story-telling tradition with corresponding sacred rituals, and how the survival of these traditions is now threatened by popularization and commercialization. The opposing forces to be discussed include: patriarchal Tibetan ideologies with an indigenous matriarchal goddess worshipping tradition, local vs. external pressures, and ancient sacred vs. modern secular economies.
The Mosuo
No one knows for sure from where the Mosuo originated. There are records of Mosuo families in the region starting around the 9th-10th century, and it is assumed that they migrated south from what is now Sichuan Province. As the name was originally written in a non-Latin script, the English spelling takes on various forms, which can at times be confusing. A few of the most common spellings for this ethnic group include: Mo-so, Muso, and Museo, although, the preferred English version today is Mosuo. According to Christine Mathieu who has extensively studied the Mosuo, “They may have gotten their name from the six Mo – so chief or chiefs who were Mou through their matrilines, because the Mu’s notions of kingship were derived from the Tibetan royal tradition and the ancient Bon ritual.” [1] Most scholars speculate that they came as traders then settled in the fertile valleys around the spectacular lake. From the earliest records, the Mosuo were considered to have had strange practices, and even Marco Polo, who visited nearby Lijiang, commented on what to him were the strange sexual mores of the people. Much later in the early 20th century, Joseph Rock wrote extensively on the Na-khi (Naxi) people of the region and included the Mosuo among them. This may be the source of Chinese government’s classification of the Mosuo as Naxi, one of the 54 officially recognized ethnic groups in China, although the two groups have distinctly different cultural traits as both Rock in his “The Life and Culture of the Na-khi Tribe of the China-Tibet Borderland,” as well as his articles for the National Geographic in 1931,[2] and Susanne Knödel in her 1998 “Naxi and Moso Ethnography” describe. [3]
Among the differences are the sacred traditions, including the ‘priests’, the dongba in the case of the Naxi and the dabas and lamas for the Musuo, the social organization, language and script. The Naxi have a large collection of sacred texts based on a pictographic script, whereas knowledge of a Mosuo written language was lost until 1986 when a daba explained 32 characters, including pictograms and symbols for abstract ideas, to Han scholar Yuan Xuenheng, who then published them in his 1995 “The Daba Religion of the Yongning Naxi,” which is referenced in Knodel’s book.[4] Yongning Naxi is another term for the Mosuo. The Mosuo characters appear to be primarily related to calendaring, which would probably have been used by the daba to divine the appropriate days for rituals. Naxi Dongba texts, on the other hand, consist of complete stories.
[1] Christine Mathieu, A History and Anthropological Study of the Ancient Kingdoms of the Sino-Tibetan Borderland – Naxi and Mosuo, Mellen Studies in Anthropology 2 (Lewiston: Mellen Press, 2003), 111.
[2] Joseph Rock, The Ancient Na-Khi Kingdom of Southwest China 1-2. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1947; “Konka Risumgongba, Holy Mountain of the Outlaws,” National Geographic, LX. July 1931. 1-65.
[3] Susanne Knödel, Die Matrilinearen Mosuo von Yongning: Eine quellenkritische Auswertung Moderner Chinesischer Ethnographen. Kolner Ethnologische Studien, Band 22, edited by Ulla Johansen und Thomas Schweizer, (Cologne: Cologne University Press, 1995), 214-215.
[4] Ibid, 212.
(To be continued.)
Meet Mago Contributor, Krista Rodin.
Very interesting and look forward to the next sequel!